How Many Registered Voters In America In 2017

Attribute of ballot history

The historical trends in voter turnout in the United States presidential elections have been determined by the gradual expansion of voting rights from the initial restriction to white male belongings owners aged 21 or older in the early years of the country's independence to all citizens anile xviii or older in the mid-20th century. Voter turnout in U.s.a. presidential elections has historically been higher than the turnout for midterm elections.^[1]

Approximately 240 meg people were eligible to vote in the 2020 presidential ballot and roughly 66.1% of them submitted ballots, totaling about 158 million. Biden received about 81 meg votes, Trump about 74 one thousand thousand votes, and other candidates (including Jo Jorgensen and Howie Hawkins) a combined approximately three million votes.

History of voter turnout [edit]

U.S. presidential election popular vote totals as a pct of the full U.South. population. The blackness line is the total turnout, while colored lines reflect votes for major parties. This chart represents the number of votes cast as a percentage of the full population, and does not compare either of those quantities with the percentage of the population that was eligible to vote.^[iii]

Early 19th century: Universal white male suffrage [edit]

The gradual expansion of the correct to vote from only property-owning men to include all white men over 21 was an important motion in the menstruum from 1800 to 1830.^[4] Older states with property restrictions dropped them, namely all just Rhode Island, Virginia and Northward Carolina past the mid-1820s. No new states had property qualifications, although three had adopted tax-paying qualifications – Ohio, Louisiana and Mississippi, of which only in Louisiana were these significant and long-lasting.^[5] The process was peaceful and widely supported, except in Rhode Isle. In Rhode Island, the Dorr Rebellion of the 1840s demonstrated that the demand for equal suffrage was wide and potent, although the subsequent reform included a meaning property requirement for any resident born outside of the United States. Nonetheless, complimentary black men lost voting rights in several states during this period.^{[half dozen]}

The fact that a man was now legally allowed to vote did non necessarily mean he routinely voted. He had to be pulled to the polls, which became the most important role of the local parties. These parties systematically sought out potential voters and brought them to the polls. Voter turnout soared during the 1830s, reaching nigh 80% of the adult male population in the 1840 presidential election.^[7] Tax-paying qualifications remained in only five states by 1860 – Massachusetts, Rhode Isle, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Due north Carolina.^[8]

Some other innovative strategy for increasing voter participation and input followed. Prior to the presidential ballot of 1832, the Anti-Masonic Party conducted the nation's first presidential nominating convention. Held in Baltimore, Maryland, September 26–28, 1831, it transformed the process by which political parties select their presidential and vice-presidential candidates.^[9]

1870s: African American male person suffrage [edit]

The passage of the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1870 gave African American men the correct to vote. While this celebrated expansion of rights resulted in meaning increases in the eligible voting population and may take contributed to the increases in the proportion of votes cast for president equally a percentage of the total population during the 1870s, there does not seem to accept been a significant long-term increase in the percentage of eligible voters who turn out for the poll. The disenfranchisement of most African Americans and many poor whites in the Due south during the years 1890–1910 likely contributed to the decline in overall voter turnout percentages during those years visible in the chart below.

Early 1920s: Women's suffrage [edit]

There was no systematic collection of voter turnout information by gender at a national level before 1964, but smaller local studies indicate a low turnout among female voters in the years following Women's suffrage in the U.s.. For example, a 1924 study of voter turnout in Chicago found that "female Chicagoans were far less likely to accept visited the polls on Election Day than were men in both the 1920 presidential ballot (46% vs. 75%) and the 1923 mayoral competition (35% vs. 63%)."^[10] The report compared reasons given by male person and female non-voters and found that female non-voters were more probable to cite general indifference to politics and ignorance or timidity regarding elections than male non-voters, and that female person voter were less probable to cite fear of loss of business or wages. Almost significantly, nevertheless, 11% of female person non-voters in the survey cited a "Atheism in adult female's voting" as the reason they did non vote.

The graph of voter turnout percentages shows a dramatic turn down in turnout over the starting time ii decades of the twentieth century, ending in 1920 when the Nineteenth Subpoena to the United States Constitution granted women the right to vote beyond the United States. But in the preceding decades, several states had passed laws supporting women's suffrage. Women were granted the right to vote in Wyoming in 1869, before the territory had become a full land in the matrimony. In 1889, when the Wyoming constitution was drafted in preparation for statehood, it included women's suffrage. Thus Wyoming was also the get-go full state to grant women the right to vote. In 1893, Colorado was the first country to ameliorate an existing constitution in order to grant women the right to vote, and several other states followed, including Utah and Idaho in 1896, Washington State in 1910, California in 1911, Oregon, Kansas, and Arizona in 1912, Alaska and Illinois in 1913, Montana and Nevada in 1914, New York in 1917; Michigan, South Dakota, and Oklahoma in 1918. Each of these suffrage laws expanded the body of eligible voters, and because women were less likely to vote than men, each of these expansions created a decline in voter turnout rates, culminating with the extremely low turnouts in the 1920 and 1924 elections after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment.

This voting gender gap waned throughout the middle decades of the twentieth century.

Age, pedagogy, and income [edit]

Voter turnout by sex activity and age for the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election.

Age, income, and educational attainment are significant factors affecting voter turnout. Educational attainment is perhaps the best predictor of voter turnout, and in the 2008 election, those holding avant-garde degrees were iii times more than likely to vote than those with less than high school education. Income correlated well with the likelihood of voting as well. The income correlation may exist because of a correlation betwixt income and educational attainment, rather than a direct upshot of income.^{[ citation needed ]}

Historic period [edit]

The age divergence is associated with youth voter turnout. Some argue that "age is an important gene in understanding voting blocs and differences" on various problems.^[xi] Others argue that immature people are typically "plagued" past political apathy and thus do not take potent political opinions.^[12] As potent political opinions may exist considered i of the reasons behind voting,^[thirteen] political apathy among young people is arguably a predictor for depression voter turnout. 1 written report plant that potential young voters are more willing to commit to voting when they see pictures of younger candidates running for elections/office or voting for other candidates, surmising that immature Americans are "voting at higher and similar rates to other Americans when there is a candidate under the age of 35 years running".^[14] As such, since near candidates running for office are pervasively over the age of 35 years,^[15] youth may non be actively voting in these elections because of a lack of representation or visibility in the political process.

Recent decades have seen increasing business over the fact that youth voter turnout is consistently lower than turnout among older generations. Several programs to increment the rates of voting amidst young people – such as MTV'due south "Rock the Vote" (founded in 1990) and the "Vote or Die" initiative (starting in 2004) – may accept marginally increased turnouts of those between the ages of 18 and 25 to vote. Still, the Stanford Social Innovation Review establish no show of a pass up in youth voter turnout. In fact, they argue that "Millennials are turning out at similar rates to the previous two generations when they face their commencement elections."^[16]

Education [edit]

Rates in voting in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election past educational attainment

Instruction is another factor considered to take a major touch on on voter turnout rates. A study past Burman investigated the human relationship between formal teaching levels and voter turnout.^[17] This written report demonstrated the result of rising enrollment in college education circa 1980s, which resulted in an increase in voter turnout. Yet, "this was non true for political noesis";^[17] a rise in education levels did non have whatsoever impact in identifying those with political knowledge (a signifier of civic engagement) until the 1980s election, when higher education became a distinguishing gene in identifying civic participation. This article poses a multifaceted perspective on the event of pedagogy levels on voter turnout. Based on this commodity, one may surmise that education has go a more powerful predictor of civic participation, discriminating more between voters and not-voters. However, this was not true for political knowledge; education levels were not a signifier of political knowledge. Gallego (2010) also contends that voter turnout tends to be higher in localities where voting mechanisms have been established and are like shooting fish in a barrel to operate – i.e. voter turnout and participation tends to be loftier in instances where registration has been initiated by the country and the number of balloter parties is modest. One may fence that ease of access – and not pedagogy level – may be an indicator of voting beliefs. Presumably larger, more than urban cities volition have greater budgets/resources/infrastructure dedicated to elections, which is why youth may have higher turnout rates in those cities versus more than rural areas. Though youth in larger (read: urban) cities tend to be more educated than those in rural areas (Marcus & Krupnick, 2017), perhaps there is an external variable (i.e. election infrastructure) at play. Smith and Tolbert'south (2005) research reiterates that the presence of ballot initiatives and portals within a state have a positive effect on voter turnout. Another correlated finding in his study (Snyder, 2011) was that education is less important equally a predictor of voter turnout in states than tend to spend more than on instruction. Moreover, Snyder'south (2011) inquiry suggests that students are more likely to vote than non-students. It may be surmised that an increment of land investment in electoral infrastructure facilitates and education policy and programs results in increase voter turnout amongst youth.

Income [edit]

Rates of voting in the 2008 U.South. Presidential Election by income

Wealthier people tend to vote at higher rates. Harder and Krosnick (2008) contend that some of the reasons for this may exist due to "differences in motivation or power (sometimes both)" (Harder and Krosnick, 2008), or that less wealthy people have less energy, fourth dimension, or resource to allot towards voting. Some other potential reason may be that wealthier people believe that they have more at stake if they don't vote than those with less resources or income. Maslow's hierarchy of needs might also aid explicate this hypothesis from a psychological perspective. If those with depression income are struggling to meet the basic survival needs of food, water, safety, etc., they will not be motivated enough to reach the final stages of "Esteem" or "Self-actualization" needs (Maslow, 1943) – which consist of the want for dignity, respect, prestige and realizing personal potential, respectively.

Gender gap [edit]

Since 1980, the voting gender gap has completely reversed, with a higher proportion of women voting than men in each of the last ix presidential elections. The Middle for American Women and Politics summarizes how this trend tin exist measured differently both in terms of proportion of voters to non-voters, and in terms of the bulk number of votes bandage. "In every presidential ballot since 1980, the proportion of eligible female adults who voted has exceeded the proportion of eligible male adults who voted [...]. In all presidential elections prior to 1980, the voter turnout charge per unit for women was lower than the charge per unit for men. The number of female person voters has exceeded the number of male voters in every presidential election since 1964..."^[xviii] This gender gap has been a determining factor in several recent presidential elections, as women have been consistently about 15% more likely to support the candidate of the Autonomous Party than the Republican candidate in each election since 1996.^[19]

Race and ethnicity [edit]

Voter turnout in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election by race/ethnicity.

Race and ethnicity has had an result on voter turnout in recent years, with data from recent elections such equally 2008 showing much lower turnout amid people identifying every bit Hispanic or Asian ethnicity than other voters (see chart to the right). 1 factor impacting voter turnout of African Americans is that, as of the 2000 election, 13% of African American males are reportedly ineligible to vote nationwide because of a prior felony conviction; in sure states – Florida, Alabama, and Mississippi – disenfranchisement rates for African American males in the 2000 election were around 30%.^[20]

Other eligibility factors [edit]

Some other factor influencing statistics on voter turnout is the per centum of the country's voting-age population^{[ clarification needed ]} who are ineligible to vote due to non-citizen status or prior felony convictions. In a 2001 article in the American Political Science Review, Michael P. McDonald and Samuel Popkin argued, that at least in the U.s., voter turnout since 1972 has non actually declined when calculated for those eligible to vote, what they term the voting-eligible population.^[21] ^{[ clarification needed ]} In 1972, noncitizens and ineligible felons (depending on state law) constituted almost ii% of the voting-historic period population. By 2004, ineligible voters constituted nearly 10%.^[22] Ineligible voters are not evenly distributed beyond the state, roughly 15% of California'due south voting-age population is ineligible to vote – which confounds comparisons of states.^[23]

Turnout statistics [edit]

The following table shows the available information on turnout for the voting-age population (VAP) and voting-eligible population (VEP) since 1936.^[24]

Election	Voting-age Population (VAP)^[25]	Voting-eligible Population (VEP)^[25]	Turnout^[25]	% Turnout of VAP^[25] ^{[ clarification needed ]}	% Turnout of VEP^[25]
1932	75,768,000		39,817,000	52.6%
1936	80,174,000		45,647,000	56.9%
1940	84,728,000		49,815,000	58.8%
1944	85,654,000		48,026,000	56.1%
1948	95,573,000		48,834,000	51.1%
1952	99,929,000		61,552,000	61.6%
1956	104,515,000		62,027,000	59.3%
1960	109,672,000		68,836,000	62.8%
1964	114,090,000		seventy,098,000	61.four%
1968	120,285,000		73,027,000	lx.7%
1972	140,777,000		77,625,000	55.1%
1976	152,308,000		81,603,000	53.6%
1980	163,945,000	159,635,102	86,497,000	52.viii%	54.2%
1984	173,995,000	167,701,904	92,655,000	53.three%	55.2%
1988	181,956,000	173,579,281	91,587,000	l.3%	52.8%
1992	189,493,000	179,655,523	104,600,000	55.2%	58.2%
1996	196,789,000	186,347,044	96,390,000	49.0%	51.7%
2000	209,787,000	194,331,436	105,594,000	fifty.3%	54.3%
2004	219,553,000	203,483,455	122,349,000	55.7%	60.one%
2008	229,945,000	213,313,508	131,407,000	57.ane%	62.5%
2012	235,248,000	222,474,111	129,235,000	53.8%	58.0%
2016	249,422,000	230,931,921	136,669,276	54.8%	59.2%
2020^[23]	257,605,088	239,247,182	159,690,457	62.0%	66.nine%

Note: The Bipartisan Policy Center has stated that turnout for 2012 was 57.5 percent of the voting-age population (VAP),^{[ description needed ]} which they claim was a decline from 2008. They estimate that every bit a percent of eligible voters, turnout was: 2000, 54.2%; in 2004 60.4%; 2008 62.iii%; and 2012 57.5%.^[26]

The BPC 2012 vote count is low because their document was written just after the 2012 election, before final counts were in. Their voting-eligible population (VEP)^{[ clarification needed ]} does non include adjustments for felons (see p.13). The Us Elections Project, by Michael McDonald calculates VEP including citizenship and adjustments for felons. The site'south data on turnout equally percentage of eligible voters (VEP), is slightly higher and similar to BPC: 2000 55.3%, 2004 60.7%, 2008 62.2%, 2012 58.6%. McDonald'south voter turnout data for 2016 is lx.one% and l% for 2018.^[27]

Later analysis past the University of California, Santa Barbara'south American Presidency Projection institute that in that location were 235,248,000 people of voting age in the The states in the 2012 election, resulting in 2012 voting age population (VAP) turnout of 54.nine%.^[28] The total increment in VAP betwixt 2008 and 2012 (5,300,000) was the smallest increase since 1964, bucking the modern boilerplate of eight,000,000–13,000,000 per cycle.

References [edit]

^ New York Times Editorial Lath (November eleven, 2014). "Opinion | The Worst Voter Turnout in 72 Years". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved January 29, 2018.
^ "Voter Turnout By Country 2021". worldpopulationreview.com . Retrieved July 27, 2021.
^ See "National Turnout Rates, 1787-2018" (United States Election Projection)
^ Keyssar, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United states of america (2009) ch 2
^ Engerman, pp. 8–9
^ Murrin, John M.; Johnson, Paul E.; McPherson, James M.; Fahs, Alice; Gerstle, Gary (2012). Liberty, Equality, Ability: A History of the American People (6th ed.). Wadsworth, Cengage Learning. p. 296. ISBN978-0-495-90499-1.
^ William Thou. Shade, "The Second Party System". in Paul Kleppner, et al. Evolution of American Balloter Systems (1983) pp. 77–111
^ Engerman, p. 35. Table 1
^ William Preston Vaughn, The Anti-Masonic Party in the United States: 1826–1843 (2009)
^ Allen, Jodie T. (March 18, 2009). "Reluctant Suffragettes: When Women Questioned Their Right to Vote". Pew Research Centre . Retrieved Jan 29, 2018.
^ Berman; Johnson (2000). "Age, ambition, and the local charter: a study in voting behavior".
^ Catapano, Tyler (2014). "?".
^ Munsey (2008). "Why Nosotros Wrote: Why practise we vote?". APA Monitor. 39 (6): sixty.
^ Pomante; Schraufnagel (2014). "Candidate Age and Youth Voter Turnout". American Politics Research. 43 (iii): 479–503. doi:10.1177/1532673x14554829. S2CID 156019567.
^ Struyk (2017). "The Autonomous Party has an historic period problem". CNN.
^ Kiesa, Abby; Levine, Peter (March 21, 2016). "Do We Actually Want Higher Youth Voter Turnout?". Stanford Social Innovation Review . Retrieved January 29, 2018.
^ ^a ^b Burden, B. (2009). "The dynamic effects of education on voter turnout". Balloter Studies. 28 (4): 540–549. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2009.05.027.
^ "Gender Differences in Voter Turnout" (PDF). Rutgers University Center for American Women and Politics. July 20, 2017. Retrieved January 29, 2018.
^ Waldman, Paul (March 17, 2016). "Stance | Why the 2016 election may produce the largest gender gap in history". Washington Post . Retrieved January 29, 2018.
^ Study: Not-Voting Felons Increasing, ABC News, Jan 6, 2006.
^ McDonald, Michael P.; Popkin, Samuel L. (December 2001). "The Myth of the Vanishing Voter". The American Political Science Review. 95 (four): 963–974. doi:ten.1017/S0003055400400134. JSTOR 3117725. S2CID 141727274.
^ "2004G - United states Elections Project". www.electproject.org . Retrieved October 31, 2020.
^ ^a ^b "2020g - United States Elections Project". world wide web.electproject.org . Retrieved Oct 31, 2020.
^ "Denominator - United States Elections Project".
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e "Voter Turnout in Presidential Elections | The American PresidencyProject". www.presidency.ucsb.edu . Retrieved January 8, 2021.
^ "2012 Election Turnout Dips Below 2008 and 2004 Levels: Number Of Eligible Voters Increases By 8 Million, Five Million Fewer Votes Cast" (PDF). Bipartisan Policy Eye. November 8, 2012. Retrieved Jan 29, 2018.
^ "Voter Turnout Data - United States Elections Project". www.electproject.org . Retrieved October 31, 2020.
^ "Voter Turnout in Presidential Elections". UC Santa Barbara American Presidency Project . Retrieved January 29, 2018.

External links [edit]

"National Turnout Rates, 1787-2018" (United states Ballot Project)